From conspiracies to weapons depots: prosecutors find no direct evidence against Călin Georgescu

George Marinescu
English Section / 10 decembrie 2024

Photo soure: Facebook/ Calin Georgescu

Photo soure: Facebook/ Calin Georgescu

Versiunea în limba română

Prosecutors have not yet been able to prove a direct link, even the slightest, between Călin Georgescu and the financiers of his campaign on social media, nor between him and the actions that were to take place in the capital on Sunday evening by a hard-line faction of supporters. Although almost five days have passed since the Prosecutor General's Office and DIICOT took action following the declassification of documents that were presented at the meeting of the Supreme Council for National Defense on November 28, from the actions presented on TV news channels we can see that the police and prosecutors are fumbling or not looking where they should.

The investigation, which has been widely reported on TV channels in recent days and which focuses on Horaţiu Potra, the leader of a group suspected of illegal activities, reveals a complicated reality: police and prosecutors are investigating numerous leads, but clear evidence linking Georgescu to the actions of that group is lacking, and investigators seem to be making difficult progress in their attempt to unravel the threads of this complex case. The most recent lead is the meeting at the Jbara Horses farm in Ciolpani, where Potra allegedly discussed with Eugen Sechila, Georgescu's bodyguard, and other people alleged plans for violent actions in Bucharest. Sources in the investigation suggest that the meeting had a conspiratorial nature, but material evidence demonstrating Georgescu's involvement in these discussions is completely lacking. Although Sechila is a central figure, his association with the politician remains strictly contextual, and his exact role at the meeting has not yet been clarified.

Police searches yesterday at several locations led to the discovery of a weapons cache in a basement, but investigators are also facing difficulties here. None of the evidence found indicates that the weapons or materials seized have any connection to Georgescu. The locations checked are mostly owned or used by Potra, but the leads that could directly link these activities to the politician are either absent or inconsistent.

In addition, investigators are facing additional pressure generated by Potra's indirect connections to the political scene, including the PSD Sibiu organization. His impressive wealth, transparently declared during his candidacy for mayor of Mediaş, and his membership in the Patriots' Party, have fueled speculation about a deeper relationship between Potra and Georgescu. However, these connections are more contextual than material, and so far the investigation has failed to overcome the level of suspicion.

In addition to the leads investigated by the authorities in Bucharest, two more have appeared in the international press. According to an article published by Bloomberg, which cites a report prepared by Reset Tech and Check First, social networks Facebook and Instagram were used in the presidential campaign in our country to spread polarizing political messages. Thus, in over 4,100 posts, published by a network of 25 Facebook pages, Elena Lasconi was constantly attacked, while Călin Georgescu was promoted as a "patriot" defending the country from the current political class. The authors of the report did not identify who is behind the network, but one thing is certain: it spent over 260,000 euros on electoral advertising on Facebook and Instagram.

The French daily Le Monde, in an investigation carried out regarding the presidential elections in our country, shows that the mysterious "FA Agency", a marketing company supposedly domiciled in South Africa - which is also mentioned in the documents presented in the CSAT - is actually located in the Polish capital, Warsaw. According to the cited source, FA Agency is a company managed from an office building in Warsaw, which has a network of ten accounts made up of influencers and marketing specialists. From the analysis of the photos and their "stories", the journalists from Le Monde noted that the respective group works in the same rented offices on the banks of the Vistula River, in Warsaw. The employees appearing in these photos are mostly Ukrainians working in Poland, linked to the world of "affiliate marketing", a semi-legal and highly developed online advertising sector in Ukraine. Analysis of Instagram profiles reveals an office life made up of Halloween parties or even bar outings. Several "stories" reveal trips to conferences for affiliated professionals, especially in the healthcare and gambling industries. On the other hand, on their LinkedIn profiles, opened under their real names, none of the employees identified by Le Monde mention FA Agency or any other marketing company. The source cited was able to identify the address of the offices in Warsaw where the members of the FA Agency actually work, but could not confirm in whose name the offices are rented. However, the French publication states that the technical data of the FA Agency website makes it possible to connect it to other websites, all created six months ago and all serving as showcases for influence agencies operating under different names. In its attempt to find out more data, Le Monde asked for clarification from the FA Agency, which did not respond to requests, as did most of its employees. Shortly after sending requests on WhatsApp, LinkedIn and by email, some of the Instagram accounts belonging to this network were deleted or set to "private", and several profiles also deleted their posts.

The connection between the two phenomena remains speculative. Although police and prosecutors continue to investigate all leads, from conspiratorial meetings and weapons caches to electoral manipulation via social media, the investigation seems to be moving forward without a clear direction.

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