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Călin Georgescu's nonsense plays a strange role in his success: "Soon, we will no longer use phones but communicate through telepathy, exactly like plants, birds, and animals do-just as life functioned in the time of Stephen the Great."
Usually, when someone says something stupid, you can trace where their logic broke down. But in this case, the rupture is inexplicable.
This statement doesn't work as a metaphor, nor as an exaggeration.
A random thought: Johannes Gutenberg was a contemporary of Stephen the Great. Why would he have bothered inventing the printing press if people could already communicate telepathically?
In a telepathic society, writing would be useless.
Cuneiform script would never have existed.
What Georgescu is saying is pure nonsense.
But it's not his only one.
He says many ridiculous things.
They are absurdities.
On top of that, he expresses himself poorly, has verbal tics, and acts like a philosopher (when he's clearly a semi-educated amateur who drifted into philosophy).
And yet, journalists who consider themselves intellectuals-specifically Ion Cristoiu, H.D. Hartmann, and Marius Tucă (but there are others too)-accept these absurdities without question and prostrate themselves before Călin Georgescu.
Publicly.
Shamelessly.
It feels like we're witnessing Gregorian Bivolaru's urine ritual.
As they do, other intellectuals from different fields feel no shame in becoming Georgescu's disciples.
How is it that his blatant nonsense does not disqualify him?!
There is an explanation.
At this moment, Călin Georgescu's public image is a collective construct, fueled by the masses-it is a virtual entity brought to life.
Georgescu doesn't just spout nonsense about pyramids and Stephen the Great; he is the only figure in Romanian politics with a singular discourse on our fundamental issues.
It doesn't matter that his rhetoric is semi-literate and feeble-he is the only politician speaking about national dignity and identity, about sovereignty and autonomy, to a people who have been deprived of these for generations.
Călin Georgescu's success can be understood through the lens of a widespread desire for change among an electorate that no longer wants mere traditional reforms but a profound transformation of society.
In an era marked by economic instability, social inequalities, and ecological crises, his radical message attracts an audience disillusioned with current political solutions and seeking real change.
The difference between Georgescu and other candidates lies in his vision-not just addressing Romania's immediate crises but proposing a completely new system based on morality, sustainability, and profound reform.
This type of rhetoric appeals to those who feel that traditional politics can no longer provide viable solutions and who are willing to support a fundamental change.
Of Romania's ten fundamental issues (see Diagram), Georgescu has particularly focused on corruption, poverty and social inequality, lack of morality, inadequate education, and youth emigration-topics he has repeatedly addressed in his public statements.
From this perspective, his intervention in Romanian politics has value.
Unfortunately, this value is undermined by a particular type of imposture: the impostor seems to believe in what he is saying...
Yet, the political sphere has failed to produce anything but failures-no opponent capable of challenging him, no one competent enough to credibly address Romania's fundamental problems.
I don't see how, on the path opened by Călin Georgescu, a rational, competent leader could emerge.
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